Dimbhe Dam Project: Resettlement Initiatives Essay

Rehabilitation Initiatives and Livelihood Outcomes

Villages affected by the Dimbhe Dam Project

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Based on secondary analysis it was found out that the undertaking affected a sum of 24 small towns. 11 small towns were to the full submerged and 13 others partly affected by flood. In all 1932.30 Ha country was to the full inundated ( WRIS, 2013 ) . As per authorities informations undertaking affected individuals in Dimbhe were 1254.The proposed rehabilitation of afloat small towns was to be carried out in Pune and Ahmednagar territories.

Ambegaon ( small town ) , Kalambai, Fulawade, Koltawade, Megholi, Vachpe, Dighad, PanchaleBudruk ( bdk ) , Sawarli, KushireKhurd ( Khrd ) and MahalungeTarfe ( Towards ) Ambegaon Villages were wholly submerged and village rehabilitation was proposed in Pune District in the freshly settled small towns of Ghodegaon, Kalamb, Awsari, Nirgudsar, Ghodegaon and Lakhangaon part-1 ( p-1 ) , Khadki ( TalukAmbegaon ) , Nirgudsar p-1, Lakhangoan p-2.

Villages considered for rehabilitation in the Ahmednagar District side were Wachpe, Kalambai, Dimbhe-bdk ( partial ) . Resettlement land was offered in small towns of Mhase, Kohekadi, Nighoj, and Jawaley which all autumn under Taluk Parner, District Ahmed Nagar ( Nagar ) . The small towns which were partly submerged due to the Dimbhe Dam were non wholly considered for Rehabilitation and relocation. These included Boreghar, Patan, Kushire-Khrd, Pimpri, Jambhori, Falode, Amday, Sakheri, Pokhri, Nanawade, Dimbhe Bdk and Adhiware.

Resettlement and Rehabilitation Enterprises: Government Figures

106 Peoples have submitted claims for alternate land and relocation ; these are individual who had received Land Acquisition notices. Most of the claimants are from the Mahadev Koli community ( ST ) , really few individuals from Katkari community were even cognizant of the dike undertaking. Secondary informations analysis suggested 100 families did non received 12/2 Notices but had 7-12 ( Property/Land ownership ) paperss to turn out that they had lost land in the Dimbhe undertaking. Government informations on relocation and rehabilitation suggests that merely four Katkari families had been identified and entitled to have any compensation in signifier of land or hard currency.

Compensation and relocation and rehabilitation

The general apprehension and experiences of both tribal communities in Wachpe, Panchale and Boreghar was that the procedure to get land under the relocation and rehabilitation norms was really slow, equivocal and riddled with multiple complexnesss. They said that they did non understand the procedure, and did non cognize whom to turn to their concerns. Poor Mahadev Koli families who had lost land had opted for hard currency compensations that were offered to them as their economic status at that clip was deplorable. Two families confirmed that they had accepted hard currency compensation at the rate of 2000 rupees per acre of land in the 1985.

Change in land ownership form

Prior to the Displacement in the Dimbhe part the primary business of tribal’s was farming and other agribusiness based activities. The form of land ownership as observe was determined on the footing of caste and category hierarchy. The legal ownership of the land was with the caput of the family normally the eldest member of the household.

All the family of the Mahadev Koli tribe were the major land proprietor in the small towns. There were no families from this folk who claimed to be landless before the building of the dike. They all had received 12/2 Notices which proved that they were lawfully recognized landholders. Many family had more than 15 to 20 estates of land. These lands were extremely fertile as they were really near to the Ghod River. One respondent remembers the good quality of the dirt and the copiousness of H2O for cultivation of her harvest,“There was a batch of H2O so, we used to turn Rice and whatever we wanted. The dirt was besides really good. Everything was grown in my Fieldss. Rice, wheat pulsations and much more.”Apart from cultivable land used for farming activities families besides owned hilly and rocky lands which were chiefly used for the intent of rise uping cowss and other smaller farm animal.

The Katkari folk nevertheless has known to be traditionally landless. There were really few Katkari family how had land ownership. Besides excluding two of the Katkari households the sum of land held by the Katkari families in the small towns of Wachpe and Ambegaon was significantly lesser than that by the Mahadev Kolis. Many hapless Katkari families had less than 5 estates of land. The existent figure of landless Katkaris residing in the Dimbhe country before the building of the dike could non be known as they keep on traveling from small town to village.

All the Mahadev Koli family have lost their arable, whatever land that is staying which is hilly/rocky land is non suited for cultivation and chiefly used edifice shelters, cattles sheds, for croping farm animal or obtaining fuel wood. Largely all such land is located next to the dike reservoir. Three landless Katkari families have managed to construct Kaccha houses on unclaimed land right following to dam reservoir.

Economic status and beginnings of income

The Dimbhe part was really distant and hapless in footings of its economic system during the 1980’s. As many of the respondents recall that the small town population was really less and “everyone knew everybody in 5 small towns in the region” . The closest large towns that provide any economic drift to the part were Ghodegaon, Manchar and Pen. All economic minutess of the tribal people like purchase and sale of nutrient grains, fertilisers, farming equipment, cowss, sheep and domestic fowl animate beings are conducted in these towns.

The chief beginning of money for Mahadev Koli families before supplanting was sale of extra nutrient grains in the markets of town like Ghodegaon and Manchar. Poor families chiefly from the Katkari were besides known to catch fish in the Ghod River and sell it in the hebdomadal local markets in Ghodegaon and Dimbhe. Monitory labour was besides generated during the cropping seasons where people could gain money by selling their agricultural labour by working in Fieldss of big landowners. There was a batch of pre-displacement occupational migration in the part. Educated household members largely males from many Mahadev Koli families were know to be working as school instructors in nearby small town schools, two tribal people from Panchale small town had worked in the constabulary section as ‘Hawaldars’ , and one individual was in the service of the ground forces as ‘Sepoy’ . Remittances were a major beginning of income in the part. Migratory form in by-line of support option was besides seen in the Katkari folk. Literature and on field experience besides suggested that people moved from small town to village to sell traditional spirits made from agitation of Mahua flowers in order to gain money. Children from many Katkari families in this country worked as cattle Herders from a really immature age. Working in Brick doing mills ( Brick Kilns ) was besides a one of the main economic activities for Katkari families before supplanting. One Katkari landless family felt that their income state of affairs had comparatively improved after the dike building, but when asked about nest eggs and nutrient monetary values he said it was barely adequate to prolong their day-to-day nutrient demand.

4 Mahadev families claimed that their economic state of affairs had deteriorated after supplanting as they had agricultural land which was the primary beginning of their net incomes. These families have been rendered into working as agricultural labourers and forced to diversify towards other support options such as fishing.

In Digad a Mahadev Koli small town, as confirmed by the interviewed family who had received rehabilitation land, occupational migration is used as alternate support apart from agribusiness and fishing. One Mahadev Koli participant says that he has late started working in Pune as a Physical Training instructor in a school. Similar instance was observed in Panchale where another individual from a Mahadev Koli family had worked in Bank of India as a guard for over 22 old ages. Both the respondents confirmed that it was because of the deficiency of work chances in the country they took up occupations in metropoliss and they would hold preferred to remain back to make agricultural activities if they had enough arable land. These Households besides maintained that it was hard to direct money back place because of the cost of life in metropoliss like Pune is really high. No such form was seen in Katkari families as they lack the basic educational makings to use for such occupations. This position is maintained but respondents for both the communities. “

Food Security

“I had seen it my childhood no! I used to see my gramps work in the Fieldss. I have seen it na! I have besides eaten good things in my childhood. Rice Wheat, Matki ( pulsations ) everything used to turn in our Fieldss merely. There was ‘Harbara’ . I have besides eaten different veggies grown in the field. There were Tomatoes and Cucumbers were at that place in my garden. Besides the green veggies that I have eaten. I have eaten it so I would non lie about it. I have eaten it. everything! ”

-A Katkari Woman who’s household had lost 8-10 estates of lands in small town ‘Fulawade’

Agricultural activities were chiefly the lone beginning of nutrient for them. They grew a assortment of harvests but rice and wheat were the basic nutrient points which were grown. The copiousness of land besides allowed them to turn other harvests like pulsations, millets, oil seed and other green veggies for their family ingestion. Households besides owned important sum of cowss and sheep and other domestic fowl animate beings which provided for protein rich nutrient points like milk meat and eggs. Anthropogenic surveies and other literature written about both these folks besides suggest that traditionally folks were known for runing wild Sus scrofa which formed of import portion of their diet. Responses from all participants suggest that they were ever had entree to nutrient resources in the yearss prior to the dike even when they did non hold any pecuniary resources. Food grains were frequently given as net incomes to agricultural labourers for their day-to-day work in the field.

Daily rewards and Sustenance life

5 families from two small towns from Wachpe and Boreghar mentioned that they need to work every twenty-four hours for gaining a life. The chief beginning of their income for these families is agricultural labour, building labour or fishing activities. The day-to-day rewards earned through fishing is depended wholly on the sum of fish they can catch. They can gain around 300 rupees per twenty-four hours on a good fishing twenty-four hours. Income earned through agricultural labour and other humble labour activities is less and ranges from 100- 180 rupees and it depend upon the sort of labour one does.

Social Relations and Kinship support.

All tribal communities are known to be homogenous group of people who portion a common linguistic communication same traditional and cultural patterns and same businesss. For many old ages in Dimbhe, the Mahadev Koli community and the Katkaris community have been remaining in close locality of each other. They shared a common linguistic communication, similar occupational traits yet the Katkari community was ever more diverse than the Mahadev Kolis in this facet as their socio-economic status were low compared to the other folk. Both the folks are extremely sanskritised and ardently patterns Hindu spiritual beliefs. They besides have a strong sense of them being Tribals or Adivasis which is used as an extension of their spiritual individuality. Both communities have co-existed in this country where life conditions were crude and wild for many old ages, this was apparent from field responses of all the people who claimed to be the indigens of that country. Very few responses obviously suggested that merely some families from Mahadev Koli folk did keep a restrained position against the other folk. But both communities depended on each other for economic and livelihood activities such as farm labour, cowss crowding etc.

The adult females marry within the same folk but normally with work forces from far off parts, therefore station matrimonial migratory form is besides observed in the country. This form was explicitly seen in the Katkari community. Hence few Mahadev kolis do non see the Katkaris as the true indigens of the country. But overall tribal people from both communities in the country seemed to be peace loving and tolerant to the other community prior to supplanting. Both the communities are closely knit and had strong affinity ties within their ain religious order of people.

Relatives and distant affinities were really of import for dependence and endurances. They are normally the primary beginnings of fiscal loans and progresss during the clip of demand. During seeding and cropping season people from the same small town participate and aid in farming activities. It was besides a resource to raise money for common public causes before the supplanting. In the initial stage of dam building people said that the full community had raised little monitory parts to halt the building procedure of the Dimbhe Dam.


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