Politicians and the Media: Language about Immigrants Essay

1. Introduction

The present political clime environing refuge applications means it is of import to see the linguistic communication used by politicians and the media. The nomenclature lacks lucidity or existent definition. Despite the fact in-migration presents an uncomfortable clang between the right of a province to command its ain district and the cardinal rights of persons, the tone of what is said in the public sphere is unhelpful to all concerned, whether they are refugees, the general populace, journalists or politicians.

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Insofar as the term “illegal immigrant” is used by the media and politicians so as to separate between “genuine” and “bogus” refugees, it is wholly nonmeaningful. There is no legal agencies for an person to go from a state where they fear persecution to the United Kingdom of the intents of claiming refuge. Consequently, with lone really few exclusions, every “genuine” refugee will hence hold been an “illegal immigrant” from the clip they entered until their instance was decided. Simon Brown LJ competently summarised the quandary of those seeking safety inR V Uxbridge Magistrates’ Court, ex p Adimi[ 1 ] when he stated, “flights from persecution have long been characterised by blind and false papers…..Although under the Convention subscribing States must give sanctuary to any refugee who seeks refuge, they are by no agencies bound to ease his reaching. Rather they strive progressively to forestall it. The combined consequence of visa demands and carrier’s liability has made it good near impossible for refugees to go to states of safety without false paperss.”

The usage of the term “refugee” provides more complications. An member of the populace would likely be surprised by the definition of “refugee” as contained within the Refugee Convention and as interpreted by the tribunals. The legal definition is both narrower and broader than the popularly understood significance of the word. The illustrations below provide some ( but are non intended to be thorough ) illustration of the complexness of the issues involved in finding who is a refugee. For illustration, the term does non include individuals flying dearth, drouth, disease or natural catastrophe, the bulk of victims of a civil war, individual likely to confront serious injury in their ain state where that injury is non for grounds of race, faith, nationality, rank of a peculiar societal group or political sentiment and individuals who may confront serious injury in their ain state if there is deemed to be an equal system of protection in that state.

The term may nevertheless, include individuals flying from serious injury who could return to an otherwise safe but famine, drouth or disease ridden country of that state, individuals specifically targeted within a civil war, individuals likely to confront serious injury due to the fact they belong to a societal group every bit big as the full female population of their ain state, or because they are believed to keep a political belief which they do non in fact clasp at all and individuals probably to confront serious injury in a state which is a Western democracy.

Despite the complexness, or merely possibly through ignorance, the media continues to perpetuate fabulous impressions that it is instantly obvious who qualifies as a “genuine” refugee, that those who do measure up could merely of all time be a little minority of appliers and that the huge bulk are “bogus” and should be returned to their states.

Recent subjects that have attracted media attending have been the suggestion that terrorists have entered the United Kingdom in the pretense of refuge appliers, the contention over the shutting of the Sangatte cantonment in Calais, fiscal support for refuge appliers, a system necessitating the subjects of several specified states to hold visa position prior to going through the United Kingdom on their manner to a 3rd state every bit good as the long term deductions of the invasion of Iraq. Asylum appliers are about ever portrayed as a “problem” for which extremist solutions are required including taking them to murder shore oasiss for the finding of their claims, merely acknowledging safeties by “quota” or even as was late mooted, the United Kingdom retreating from both the Refugee Convention and the European Convention on Human Rights wholly.

The Higher Courts are progressively asked to see the complex legal and policy issues that relate to the UK’s consideration of refuge and Human Rights applications. It may be seen from some recent determinations that both the Refugee Convention and the European Convention on Human Rights are being restrictively applied.

InHorvath V Secretary of State for the Home Department[ 2 ] the House of Lords held that racialist force would merely be persecution within the significance of the Refugee convention if the province in inquiry was unable or unwilling to offer sensible protection. InSaad, Diriye and Osorio v Secretary of State for the Home Department[ 3 ] , the Court of Appeal noted, albeit in passing, that there is in fact no demand under the Refugee Convention for an refuge claim to be determined by a tribunal. While it is hard to conceive of the bing Immigration Appellate Authority being dismantled, it is interesting to observe that there is already an increasing trust on written grounds and entries and that entreaty rights have in some instances been removed wholly [ 4 ] while judicial reappraisal of refusal of permission to appeal to the Immigration Appeal Tribunal is being replaced by a paper merely statutory reappraisal. InSecond[ 5 ] the Court of Appeal stated that the fact that the plaintiff in errors were refugees at the clip they left Croatia could non hold a critical consequence on the result of their entreaties and doubted whether there was, as suggested in the earlier instance ofArif V Secretary of State for the Home Department[ 6 ] an evidentiary load on the Secretary of State to demo that in such instances it was safe to return. InR ( Hoxha ) v Particular Adjudicator[ 7 ] The Court of Appeal taken Article 1 ( degree Celsius ) 5 of the Refugee Convention and its “humanitarian exception” narrowly, in order to prevent its application where plaintiff in errors had non already been recognised as refugees whilst inR ( Saadi ) v Secretary of State for the Home Department[ 8 ] the House of Lords held that detainment of refuge appliers at Oakington response Centre for the intents of fast tracking their refuge applications was non a breach of Article 5 of the ECHR.

InSepet and Bulbul v Secretary of State for the Home Department[ 9 ] the House of Lords held that painstaking expostulation to military service did non of itself give rise to a valid claim under the Refugee Convention and inEuropean Roma Rights Centre[ 10 ] the Court of Appeal decided that although the Refuge Convention required a province non to return an person to their place state without first sing their refuge claim, it was non improper for the United Kingdom to take steps such as a pre-entry clearance strategy to forestall persons go forthing their place states in the first topographic point.

The Asylum and Immigration ( Treatment of Claimants etc, ) Act 2004 is the latest piece of primary statute law intended to transform the in-migration system. Its transition through Parliament, peculiarly the House of Lords, provoked an ardent argument about the regulation of jurisprudence. It was said that the regulation of jurisprudence, a construct which the United Kingdom “gifted” to the universe, was being badly undermined by the Government’s democrat desire to be seen to be tough on refuge searchers and illegal immigrants. It was of serious concerns to equals that the determinations of in-migration courts were to be excluded from examination by the higher tribunals as that would potentially impact cardinal legal values including natural justness and the demand for justness to be seen to be done. Eminent attorneies and former Judgess expressed dismay at the deductions of this retreat from rule. Making particular regulations for refuge searchers meant the creative activity of differential rights and Lord Mackay, a former Lord Chancellor, reminded the House of the old common jurisprudence rule of equal protection for those within the legal power. The Lord Chief Justice, Lord Woof, farther raised the inquiry of whether such a clause was non inconsistent with the spirit of common regard between the different weaponries of authorities, necessitating the tribunals to move in a mode that would be without case in point. The affairs in this case were really practical. Immigration is a complex legal power, there is grounds of hapless quality determination devising, claimants are frequently really vulnerable, resources are limited, instructions are frequently baffled and documentation hard to get. The record of the Tribunal is ambiguous and mattes of life and autonomy are engaged.

Finally the Government replaced the “ouster” clause with a instead complex model of statutory reappraisal. However, notably, the Government’s retreat was merely partial.

This essay will non supply a elaborate usher to Immigration and Asylum Law and all issues environing it, but will seek to sketch the developments in this country of jurisprudence with peculiar accent on the last decennary where there has been a bustle of statute law enacted to command the inundation of immigrants to the United Kingdom. Chapter 2 in peculiar will see how province establishments, peculiarly the executive and the judiciary dainty refuge searchers and see whether Human Rights are being ignored in the government’s conflict to command Numberss. Chapter 3 will see the economic impact made by migration whilst chapter 4 will see whether authorities gambits to discourage asylum searchers peculiarly the decrease of public assistance benefits do in fact work.

2. The development of Asylum Law and the rights of refugees

Refugee jurisprudence is a alone country of pattern where international jurisprudence sits side by side with domestic statute law. Historically the term “refugee” was applied to people who had fled their states, whether to get away spiritual persecution, to hedge a ruler’s run of repression, or merely to avoid the depredations of civil war. Concern arose in the 20th century to more clearly define “refugee” due to states’ administrative demand to command the motion of displaced persons. The first Convention relating to the International Status of Refugees was signed in 1933. The attack at this clip was to specify “refugee” by group, on the footing that in general they lacked the protection of their state, instead than to analyze single instances in item.

The wake of the Second World War and the jobs created by the many 100s of 1000s of displaced individuals in Europe saw an terminal to the general categorising of groups of such persons as “refugees” and the beginning of the modern attack of necessitating each individual to demo a hazard of persecution. The initiation of the United Nations in 1948 was followed by moves to set up a commission to analyze refugees and homeless persons and to outline a convention on their position.

The 1951 Convention associating to the Status of Refugees ( the Refugee Convention ) was at foremost limited to those individuals claiming to be refugees in Europe as a consequence of events that occurred prior to 1 January 1951. However, the go oning incidence of refugee jobs led to the 1967 Protocol associating to the Status of Refugees, which removed the temporal and geographical restrictions greatly widening the application of the original definition. As a signer to the Refugee Convention, the United Kingdom has an duty to see all applications for refuge made in this state. Each application is to be examined on its single virtues with a position of finding whether the applier has demonstrated a tenable fright of persecution in his or her state of nationality for one of the grounds set out in the Convention. These grounds relate to race, faith, nationality, rank of a peculiar societal group or political sentiment.

The general definition of a refugee is found in Article 1A ( 2 ) of the Refugee Convention as amended by the Protocol:

Owing to tenable fright of being persecuted for grounds of race, faith, nationality, rank of a peculiar societal group or political sentiment, is outside the state of his nationality and is unable, or owing to such fright, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that state ; or who, non holding a nationality and being outside the state of his former accustomed abode as a consequence of such events, is unable or, owing to such fright, is unwilling to return to it.

In the instance of a individual who has more than one nationality, the term “the state of his nationality” shall intend each of the states of which he is a national, and a individual shall non be deemed to be missing the protection of the state of his nationality if, without any valid ground based on tenable fright, he has non availed himself of the protection of one of the states of which he is a national.”

The last decennary or so has seen a bustle of statute law chiefly aimed at commanding refuge searchers. These Acts include the Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act 1993, Asylum and Immigration Act 1996, Immigration and Asylum Act 1999, Nationality Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 and the Asylum and Immigration ( intervention of claimants etc ) Act 2004. The policies and determination devising powers each of these provided will be briefly considered below, as they provide an of import penetration as to how province establishments have treated and go on to handle individuals seeking safety in the United Kingdom.

The 1993 Act introduced an entreaty right for refuge searchers but besides the construct of the claim “without foundation.” [ 11 ] Notably this is based on the construct of a possible entrant as dishonest. Claims so certified would pull merely limited entreaty rights, the government’s avowed purpose being to rush through the systems claims that could be identified at an early phase as unmeritorious. This is based non merely on the thought of the delusory applier but besides on turn toing the backlog. Juss [ 12 ] provides a cutting history of the beginnings of the 1993 Act where he suggests the job of the backlog was self inflicted, ensuing from a enlisting freezing in the Immigration and Nationality Department. Opportunities for appliers to pull strings the system arose as a consequence of increasing holds, and these uses in bend extended the holds. His history may be borne out by the fact that the backlogs were efficaciously tackled in the twelvemonth 2000 by the enlisting of excess forces.

Delay and rip offing the system became the political issue of the 1990s. The alleged cheating was both at the point of entry ( the construct of the bogus refuge searcher ) and after entry ( the construct of the moocher ) . These thoughts underline the farther commissariats in the Asylum and Immigration Act 1996, including the creative activity of a new offense of obtaining leave to stay by misrepresentation. [ 13 ] The types of claims that would be subjected to restricted entreaty rights were extended to include those from a designated state of beginning. Appellation, harmonizing to the advancing curate in Parliament, would be on the footing that there had been a high figure of applications and a high figure of refusals from that peculiar state and that there was, in general, no serious hazard of persecution in that state. [ 14 ] This proviso is similar to the “without foundation” proviso, that of hastening applications on the evidences they may be identified without full scrutiny as being deceitful. Similar commissariats followed in the 1999 Act ( “manifestly unfounded” ) and in the 2002 Act ( “clearly unfounded” ) .

The list of designated states became known as the White List which was abandoned after a successful challenge inR V SSHD ex p Javed and Ali[ 15 ] to the inclusion of Pakistan because of known widespread favoritism against adult females and against Ahmadis, which had been accepted in the higher tribunals in the UK. [ 16 ]

Where sectors of society could be said to be at hazard, it could non be sensible to state there was, in general, no serious hazard of persecution. A new “white list” was produced in the 2002 Act and was quickly extended by two orders. The Asylum and Immigration ( Treatment of Claimant etc ) Bill 2003 ( now the 2004 Act ) besides proposes a amalgamate statutory, and hence unchallengeable list.

Section 2 of the 1996 Act farther introduced a power to take refuge searchers prior to their entreaty being heard in instances where the plaintiff in error had travelled through a state which can be regarded as a “safe 3rd country” . These commissariats arose from concerns in Europe about refuge searchers being bounced around Europe. The United Kingdom was a signer to the Dublin Convention, the pact by which EC states sought to happen ways of finding which province should hear an asylum application. However, as international jurisprudence, this pact is non adhering in the United Kingdom straight in courts and has now been superseded by ordinances.

Other commissariats of the 1996 Act continued the double subjects of misrepresentation and internal controls. More condemnable offenses were devised, aiming the racketeering of those who arrange entry to the UK for addition [ 17 ] and more internal controls were set up, denying public assistance benefits to many refuge searchers and besides enrolling employers into the system of sensing of occupants with potentially irregular in-migration position. [ 18 ]

The Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 continued the tendency by increasing surveillance and monitoring. Registrars of birth, matrimonies and deceases were brought into the internal control system [ 19 ] and punishments for transporting riders without full certification increased and were extended to trains, coachs and managers to cover entry via the Channel Tunnel. There were farther commissariats for punishing private auto and lorry drivers who carried cloak-and-dagger entrants. A verifier system of public assistance and a dispersion system was besides introduced. [ 20 ] Appeal rights were farther curtailed, both for refuge searchers and other exiles. [ 21 ] Limited entreaty rights for household visitants were reinstated. During the 1990s, there was besides a big addition of asylum searchers detained in detainment Centres and prisons. One of the anomalous characteristics of in-migration detainment by and large, including that of refuge searchers, is that it is non capable to any signifier of supervising by the tribunals, and there is no given of a right to bail as in condemnable offenses.

The 1999 Act was proclaimed as a extremist inspection and repair of the in-migration and refuge system. It expressed the political docket of its twenty-four hours, that of intuition that there is a big volume of unmeritorious refuge claims, the cost of public assistance benefits obtained by people who made such claims, the progressive extension of internal controls, the job of backlog and hold in the system and the shifting of incrimination to the morally more acceptable marks of “racketeers” instead than the evidently vulnerable refuge searchers.

There was another influence at the clip of arguments on the 1999 Act, viz. the Human Rights Act 1998 ( HRA ) . The 1999 Act removed some rights to hold an appeal heard in the UK. The counterweight was to supply an in state entreaty on human rights evidences. The 1999 Act provided the first statutory right of entreaty against in-migration determinations on human rights evidences. [ 22 ]

The Nationality Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 was preceded by a White Paper:Secure Boundary lines, Safe Haven ; Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain.[ 23 ] The Act trades with alterations to nationality jurisprudence, the proviso of adjustment Centres for refuge searchers, limitations on refuge support system, the proviso of remotion Centres and enlargement of powers of detainment and remotion, extension and amendment of the carrier’s liability strategy and the debut of farther condemnable offenses. Notably though, the Act as noted by Mckee, [ 24 ] refers to “divergent and contradictory goals” , specifically to maintain refuge searchers out, but to supply a welcome for echt refugees, to incorporate refugees and cultural minorities into mainstream British civilization, but to observe cultural diverseness and to include a raft of autocratic and inhibitory steps under the same analgesic umbrella of “modernisation” as broad steps to let economic migration and facilitate easier travel. Furthermore, Mckee identifies the wide intents of the Act and White Paper as developing an all permeant control system for refuge searchers, supplying a controlled development of the possibility of entry for work, making a category of people without rights or position, developing excess territorial in-migration control, battling terrorist act and beef uping the executive power.

The evident insufficiency of the refuge system is ever in the media and there are two radically opposite analyses of the job. On one position, the deficiency of credibleness of the system is basically connected to a sensed failure to take unsuccessful claimants, deter new 1s and cut down the Numberss of claims. On the other, the deficiency of credibleness of the system arises from the deficiency of independent and intelligent decision-making at the initial phase. Frequent challenges of refuge determinations are interpreted from the first position as maltreatment by undeserving claimants determined to whirl out their stay and from the 2nd as necessitated by the hapless quality of initial determination devising. The increasing complexness of legal challenges is interpreted from one position as opprobrious claimants and their attorneies pull stringsing the system and from the other as necessitated by the continual decrease in entreaty rights and the absence of a straightforward procedure to protect cardinal human rights.

The White Paper’s proposal for guaranting credibleness remainder on the belief that it is of import to command refuge searchers, apparently regardless of hazard of transgressing human rights. End to stop credibleness is translated into terminal to stop monitoring. Accommodation and remotion Centres are elements in this development. Restrictions on public assistance support which make it conditional on coverage or abode besides tighten the degree of uninterrupted control that the authorities is able to exert over refuge searchers. Increased powers of detainment and remotion serve the same intent.

A proviso of the 2002 Act which peculiarly demonstrates the power of province establishments over those seeking safety, is s.76. This enables the Secretary of State to revoke a person’s indefinite leave to stay if the individual is apt to deportation but can non be deported for legal grounds. The legal grounds that would forestall exile are likely to be that the individual would confront a serious misdemeanor of their human rights in their state or beginning and no other state is willing to accept them. Without indefinite leave to stay, a individual may neither work nor claim benefits. They are without position and without agencies. This subdivision is a spouse to Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act 2001 US Secret Service 21-25 which permit the indefinite detainment of foreign subjects suspected of international terrorist connexions and can non be deported. Such people are being deprived of the benefit of a human rights challenge to their detainment by virtuousness of the UK government’s disparagement from Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights [ 25 ] upheld by the Court of Appeal inA, X & A ; Y v SSHD.[ 26 ]

This proviso has a conceptual, though non purely legal relationship with some of the judicial proceeding that has revolved around the inquiry of “lawful presence.” Some societal benefits, for case lodging and lodging benefit rely upon the applicant being “lawfully present” in the United Kingdom. InMurat Kaya V Haringey London Borough Council and Secretary of State for Social Security[ 27 ] the Court of Appeal held that an refuge searcher it the UK on impermanent admittance was non legitimately present for this intent. Consequently, asylum searchers may non legitimately work and have public assistance benefits merely under really rigorous conditions.

There is a controversial and important power contained in the 2002 Act which is the power for the Secretary of State to attest a human rights claim “clearly unfounded” and so prevent any right of entreaty in the UK before remotion. Adopting an adversarial theoretical account, this gives the Secretary of State the power to attest that the other side’s instance is without virtue. This is an extraordinary exercising of executive power and arguably in breach of the rule of separation of powers and the regulations of natural justness. The effects for the applier are really serious as they are removed without any chance to dispute the refusal of the claim.

There is no uncertainty that in-migration control is an exercising of executive power, that is, it is exercised by the executive arm of authorities, chiefly by the Home Secretary, Home Office civil retainers, in-migration officers and entry clearance officers. Less clear are the beginning and bounds of that power. A characteristic that will be encountered over and over in the survey of in-migration jurisprudence is the keeping of discretion, which is less conformable to command than the application of specific regulations. The discretional nature of in-migration jurisprudence is at the root of much of the unfavorable judgment that has been directed at it. While challenges to determinations and enterprises towards answerability and openness seek to restrict the power of the executive, in other ways the range to utilize discretion is invariably reasserted.

Immigration regulations allow considerable range for single judgement. The ability of an person to, for case, visit their household or fall in their partner depends, finally, on the exercising of judgement by an functionary. Decisions to behave are strictly discretionary although more frequently the determination is an exercising of judgement as to whether the specified standard has been met, for case whether care for a partner is equal and the twosome intend to populate together as hubby and married woman. This is non a discretion in a pure sense, but it is a affair on which an entry clearance officer and an applier could differ. Compare for illustration, an application for a public assistance benefit. If the claimant’s income is less than the applicable sum, the benefit must be paid. In the event of being turned down for entry clearance, appliers can non indicate to the regulations and dispute the determination, they may merely reason about the strength of the grounds.

Arguably there is besides concern in relation to the determination shapers themselves and the issue of separation of powers. The most expressed misdemeanor of separation of powers is now in the yesteryear. It used to be the instance that in-migration adjudicators, who are the first grade in the in-migration entreaty system, were appointed by the Home Office, raising inquiries in relation to just tests. However, in 1987 the map of naming adjudicators was transferred to the Lord Chancellor’s section, conveying them into line with other members of the bench.

The most blazing staying structural shortage in footings of separation of powers in the refuge system at present, is the deficiency of an independent finding procedure for refuge claims. The Home Office both decides claims and enforces the remotion of unsuccessful claimants. Notably in many states a independent organic structure exists to find refugee claims.

Another country of concern is that of the influence of the Home Office on judicial affairs. For case, at the start of the British and American military action in Iraq in March 2003, the hearing of Iraqi refuge entreaties was frozen at the behest of the Home Office. The normal procedure in legal proceedings when one party wants to postpone the action is that they make an application to the tribunal for an dissolution. It is unthinkable that a litigator would be able to teach or even bespeak the tribunal to recess all their instances without the other side holding an chance to object.

A farther illustration is found in the Civil Procedure ( Amendment ) Rules 2003 [ 28 ] which deals with statutory reappraisal, a new and more abbreviated signifier of challenge to a determination of the Immigration Appeal Tribunal granting or declining leave to appeal from the adjudicator. It replaced judicial reappraisal with an entreaty to a individual justice without a hearing on the footing that the IAT made an mistake of jurisprudence. [ 29 ] The process regulations provide that where the Tribunal garbages leave to appeal, and the justice affirms the tribunal’s determination, the judge’s order shall merely be served on the Secretary of State. [ 30 ] The Secretary of State must so function the order on the applier. This regulation merely applies to an refuge claim and Luqmani [ 31 ] remarks that this gives the feeling that the tribunal is at that place to function chiefly the Home Secretary and non appliers.

Furthermore, the proposals to restrict legal assistance in 2003 were strongly promoted by the Home Office and appears to hold emanated from this section. This was unfastened to the constitutional expostulation that the support of legal services was non a affair for the Home secretary at all, but instead for the Legal Services Commission and the Department for Constitutional Affairs. [ 32 ]

Furthermore, the unsusceptibility of the bench from remark by the executive is an facet of their independency, undermined by the remarks made by the so Home Secretary David Blunket who stated to the media that he was non traveling to set up with Judgess interfering with the democratic procedure. This remark was made in relation to two High Court determinations, each refering the human rights of refuge searchers [ 33 ] whose rights had been upheld by the justice. Both were instances of statutory reading. In the first, asylum searchers challenged the power to confine them in Oakington Reception Centre and in the 2nd, the denial of benefits under the 2002 Act.

The history of in-migration jurisprudence is besides full of illustrations of statute law fleetly introduced to change by reversal higher tribunal determinations. The remotion of benefits from refuge claimants the Social Security ( individuals from Abroad ) Miscellaneous Amendment Regulations 1996 removed benefits from about all who were capable to in-migration control. The ordinances were declared extremist vires by Simon Brown LJ because they were beyond the tolerance degree of a “civilised nation” . “Something so uncompromisingly Draconian can merely be achieved by primary legislation.” [ 34 ]

The Nationality Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 contained a figure of commissariats with retrospective consequence, in itself an extraordinary exercising of power. One of these, s 67 ( 2 ) was introduced to change by reversal a determination in the High Court which had the consequence of giving enforceability to a discretional pattern of allowing exceeding leave to people whose refuge claims had failed but who could non safely be returned to their place state. It had been used in peculiar in relation to Iraqi Kurds. The consequence of s 67 ( 2 ) was that such individuals could be obliged to stay in the insecure position of impermanent admittance. [ 35 ]

The transition of statute law besides gives rise to jobs. The transition of the 2002 Act in peculiar had the spirit of an exigency. Due to the rigorous timetable some important commissariats were passed without proper argument or audience and gave rise to he of import inquiry of human rights examination. Since the origin of the Human Rights Act the new Joint Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights has been charged with examination of statute law impacting rights and the 2002 Act was clearly such a piece of statute law. The Committee wrote to the Home Secretary bespeaking replies to a figure of inquiries about the Bill. These replies were non given until the Standing Committee procedure in the House of Commons was at an terminal. The Joint Committee in their study [ 36 ] “we draw attending to the fact that this made it impossible for us to describe on the Bill in clip for our decisions to be utile t the House of Commons….maintaining deadlines is peculiarly of import when a Bill has significant human rights implications.” In this instance it is clear that the human rights examination procedure established by Parliament was undermined.

A 2nd factor was the late debut of important amendments. The statutory reappraisal of IAT determinations on grant of leave to entreaty was introduced by amendment during the standing commission. There was hence no clip for debating this proviso. Often adequate, judicial proceeding consists of an effort to obtain a right of entreaty or to hold a instance heard at all. The consequence of such amendments was to forestall judicial reappraisal of a tribunal’s refusal of leave to appeal, to forestall entreaty to the Court of Appeal against a refusal of leave to appeal and to enable the Secretary of State to appeal against the grant of entreaty. These determinations would be taken by a individual justice on the documents, without unwritten statement. These late amendments prevented proper Parliamentary examination of commissariats taking entreaty rights for people who, if wrongly refused, may fact the most serious human rights misdemeanors.

The new model of entreaty remains controversial. The Joint Committee on Human Rights took the position that

remotion of the right to appeal to a 2nd tier court, and at the same clip badly curtailing the right of entree to the higher tribunals, without replacing these rights of entreaty with any other effectual mechanism for observing mistakes, will intend that, at best, the present degree of mistakes will travel undetected, at worst it may intend that the mistake rate additions n the absence of the handiness of effectual examination of the rightness or inappropriateness of the determinations concerned.” [ 37 ]

Furthermore the Committee remained unconvinced that “the limitations on the right of entree to the higher courts….are proportionate to the legitimate purpose asserted and that in some respects ( notably the five twenty-four hours clip bound and the legal assistance proposals ) they come really near to impairing the really substance of the right itself.”[ 38 ] The Committee concluded that following the restructuring of the appellant authorization ad the limitations placed upon entree to the tribunals, incorrect determinations will go on to be made and are now more likely to travel uncorrected.

It is clear from the above treatment that province establishments, peculiarly the executive, have sought to fasten the regulations associating to refugees more and more since the early 1990s with small respect to their homo rights which survive merely in cases where the bench decides in their favor ( and recent determinations show that both the Refugee Convention and the European Convention on Human Rights are being restrictively applied ) controling some of the extended power of the executive.

3. The economic impact

“At a clip of great population motions we must hold clear policies for in-migration and refuge. We are committed to furthering societal inclusion and regard for cultural, cultural and spiritual diverseness, because they make our societies strong, our economic systems more flexible and promote exchange of thoughts and knowledge.”[ 39 ]

As the above statement demonstrates, there is a turning argument – in both the UK and the remainder of the EU – that there is a demand for a new analytical model for believing about migration policy if host states are to maximize the economic and societal benefits of migration.

While migration is an built-in portion of globalization, many treatments of globalization focal point merely on trade, investing and capital flows, and disregard the motion of people. [ 40 ] This motion nevertheless, has broad deductions on the economic impact made by migrators on host states.

In unfastened societies migration both for employment and for personal grounds is natural. The issue nevertheless, is arguably besides one of graduated table. Few uncertainty the advantage of extremely skilled migration coming or traveling to make full vacancies in professional, fiscal and proficient businesss. Recently nevertheless, economic statements have been advanced to warrant really large-scale in-migration into Britain. In fact most immigrants to the United Kingdom come for grounds that are non chiefly work related. In 2003 merely 21 % of those granted colony came here to work ( including dependents ) [ 41 ] The others were all granted refuge or household reunion. It is the economical impact of those individuals that shall be considered below.

The figure of refuge searcher applications about trebled from 30,000 in 1996 to 84,000 in 2002. [ 42 ] In 2003 applications fell by 40 % to 49,000. In the first nine months of 2004 there were 25,000 applications, tantamount to an one-year rate of about 34,000. These figures nevertheless, exclude dependents, which if added to for illustration the 2002 sum, would hold been 103,000 falling to 60,000 in 2003 and with an result of 40,000 in 2004. [ 43 ] Efficaciously the concluding figure will be higher in visible radiation of the fact that those granted refuge are later able to convey in non-accompanying dependents. In due class, their kids may convey in partners so new and go oning beginnings of in-migration are being generated. Despite the autumn in applications in the first three quarters of 2004, the United Kingdom still received more asylum applications than any other industrialized state apart from France in 2004. [ 44 ]

The figure of illegal immigrants in the United Kingdom is by definition uncertain, although the USA and some European states attempt estimations. Those discovered by imposts and in-migration officers rose from 3,300 in 1990 to over 50,000 in 2002 [ 45 ] before falling to 38,000 in 2003. At least portion of this addition was a consequence of improved sensing, but the entire figure is likely to be well higher as merely a fraction will be detected. The Home Office PaperOccasional paper No. 67, describes lifting illegal in-migration as both unsustainable and unwanted in economic and societal footings. [ 46 ]

It is argued in favor of in-migration, that it relieves labour deficits and reduces rising prices. However, arguably, rising prices will merely be reduced to the extent that the growing of rewards is down. Furthermore, labour deficits are being addressed by agencies of a big addition in work licenses valid for 5 old ages, which are non applicable to asylum searchers. Some make a instance for the importing of labor to execute low quality work which is unpopular with the autochthonal population, although notably this creates the hazard of an under category where migrators end up being abused.

A concern raised as to the impact being made by asylum searchers who work ( whether lawfully or illicitly ) in the United Kingdom, is that they are by and large considered as inexpensive labor and are hence, attractive to employers. On the other manus, this helps in maintaining rewards down for all those involved in the sector. Furthermore, migrators frequently perform low quality work which is unpopular with the autochthonal population which creates the hazard of an under category being created where migrators end up being exploited.

The economic and societal costs of in-migration must be balanced against its benefits. The authorities has advanced three chief statements in support of in-migration in that migrators have contributed to the Exchequer, they have contributed to the growing of the economic system and have made an impact on the age construction of the UK population. However, it is arguable that some of these statements may be flawed.

First it is of import to see the impact of in-migration to the treasury. Home Office RDS Occasional Paper No 77 [ 47 ] claims that in 1998/2000 migrators in the United Kingdom contributed in revenue enhancements ?2.5 billion more than they consumed in benefits and province services. However, this computation was made in a twelvemonth in which the authorities histories were in excess, in which instance everyone paid in more than they took out. In rectifying this, the part is reduced by ?1.3 billion. The other elements depended greatly on the premises made. A elaborate survey by Professor Rowthorne of Cambridge University concluded that the overall consequence was likely impersonal. [ 48 ] The survey besides ignored the fact that since the mid 1980s in-migration has been adding to the United Kingdom’s population and that accordingly new installations have to be built. It besides ignored the higher cost of lodging in the South East where two tierces of migrators settle and it ignored the cost of their particular instruction demands. Notably these figures do non include the cost of refuge searchers.

The Home Office Paper [ 49 ] showed that the proportion of migrators who claim Social Security benefits is higher than for the UK Born. The exclusions are pensions, because their age profile is lower, every bit good as ill and disablement benefits, possibly for the same ground. Despite the valuable potency which refugees offer, in June 2002 the Government besides removed refuge searchers ‘ right to work, which will hold an affect on the benefits every bit good as revenue enhancement figures still to be provided.

A farther impact, although non one most people would at first think of, is that of personal remittal. Personal remittals have been mounting steadily over the last decennaries. In fact, they have about doubled in the last 10 old ages to ?3.8 billion in 2003. [ 50 ] This refers to money chiefly sent by persons populating and working in the United Kingdom, to households in developing states. The Government estimates that between ?3 to ?4 billion is sent abroad with the Indian sub-continent, the Caribbean and bomber Saharan Africa as the taking receivers. [ 51 ] These remittals are of considerable benefit to developing states but they are a cost to the United Kingdom in footings of foreign exchange which has to be earned. There are besides, of class, inward remittals from British people working overseas which came to ?2.7 billion in 2003. The net escape being about ?1 billion in that twelvemonth. However, it must be remembered that at least some if non most of the money being transferred has already been the topic of revenue enhancement in the United Kingdom and the committees ( sometimes rather extortionate ) as charged by Bankss and other companies besides benefit the United Kingdom economic system.

In relation to the Government’s statement that migrants contribute to the country’s economic growing, an independent organic structure Migration Watch, claim the Government has miscalculated their figures. [ 52 ] The Government claims immigrants consist 8 % of the population and lend 10 % to the Gross Domestic Produce ( GDP ) . Migration Watch clasp that the Government has omitted from the immigrant population their dependent kids who were born in the United Kingdom. Clearly these kids would non be in the United Kingdom if it were non for in-migration. In amending the figures, the population portion is increased to merely over 10 % while their part to GDP is 9.8 % [ 53 ] significance migrators are improbable to be adding proportionally to GDP.

In a address to the CBI on 27 April 2004, the Prime Minister stated that “according to the Treasury, our economic growing rate would be about 0.5 % lower for the following two old ages if net migration ceased.” [ 54 ] A Parliamentary reply [ 55 ] revealed that the right figure was 0.4 % . However, the cardinal failing in this statement is that it overlooks the fact immigrants besides add to the population. On the Treasury premise, they will add 0.26 % to the population so the benefit in footings of GDP per caput is more like 0.14 %

A more sophisticated computation would compare the mean compound growing rates of the on the job age population and the entire population over the coming decennaries. Using the Government’s ain premise that growing in GDP is relative to the growing in working age population, the addition in GDP per twelvemonth would be 0.34 % but the population would increase by 0.3 % . [ 56 ] Consequently the benefit per caput per twelvemonth would be about 0.04 % which works out at ?7 per caput per twelvemonth or 14p per hebdomad. This computation takes no history of extra substructure costs, nor the costs of congestion to which in-migration on this graduated table will add well. [ 57 ]

The Government besides suggest that migration will better the balance between old and immature and will assist pay pensions. This nevertheless overlooks the point that migrators will besides turn older. The Home Office itself recognises that there are defects in this statement. The RDS Occasional Paper No 75 [ 58 ] provinces that “…the impact of migration in extenuating population ripening is widely acknowledged to be little because migrators besides age. For a significant consequence, net influxs of migrators would non merely necessitate to happen on an one-year footing but would hold to lift continuously.”

It would necessitate over 1 million immigrants per twelvemonth up to 2050 to keep the present ratio of workers to pensionaries, and the population would necessarily duplicate to 120 million. This is improbable to be executable. The UN made this point in their World Economic and Social Report for 2004 which stated [ 59 ] “Immigration ( to Europe ) would hold to spread out at virtually impossible rates to countervail worsening support ratios.”

Finally, the pension statement is sometimes added to by mentions to the really low birth rate of Europe as a whole. However, arguably there is no demographic crisis in the United Kingdom. The birth rate at 1.73 is non far below the replacing degree of 2.1. However, this figure understates household size due to the fact maternity is soon being delayed. Changes to the labor market and household support are likely to assist in raising the birth rates. The instability of coevalss could be alleviated by taking obstructions and deterrences to a longer on the job life as the population becomes healthier. [ 60 ] An betterment in productiveness would besides do a major difference by increasing the degree of wealth and hence the ability of the economic system to prolong its older coevals. It has to be acknowledged that the inevitable population ageing procedure will necessitate alterations in behavior and outlooks although it is questionable whether big scale in-migration is the solution.

The costs of big graduated table migration besides have to be taken into history. The Government’s projection is that the population of the United Kingdom will increase by about 6 million by 2031, of which 5 million ( 84 % ) will be due to in-migration. Furthermore, it is likely that most migrators will settle in London and the South East which is already really dumbly populated ( the South East is about twice as dumbly populated as the Netherlands ) . [ 61 ] This overcrowding consequences in significant congestion costs. A recent study by the Downing Street Strategy Unit suggested that the figure of commuters to London is expected to increase by between 10 % and 20 % by 2010. [ 62 ] This leads on to concerns about the force per unit areas of supplying lodging. A recent study on London, commissioned for the Mayor [ 63 ] predicted a population addition of 700,000 in the following 5 old ages to 8.15 million, largely due to international migration. This will necessitate about 400,000 new houses and 130 new schools.

This is non to state migration should discontinue. There are of class expatriates who have lived in the United Kingdom and who have made important parts to the universe, allow entirely Britain, including Einstein, Karl Marx and Wole Soyinka. Other refugees who have made their grade in Britain include Michael Marks, laminitis of Marks & A ; Spencer, the physicist Joseph Rotblat and the creative person Anish Kapoor.

It is nevertheless, possibly more significantly, refugees with more ordinary aspirations that have brought a immense assortment of accomplishments and endowments to the UK. There is grounds to demo that refugees are proportionally more extremely skilled and qualified than Britain ‘s native population. Harmonizing to recent research by the Department of Work and Pensions [ 64 ]

  • 53 % of refugees have academic makings ;
  • between 23-33 % of parents of asylum-seeking and refugee kids have a first of graduate student grade and most possess relevant work experience ;
  • over 65 % of refugees speak two linguistic communications every bit good as their female parent lingua ;
  • Two out of three of those who have sought refuge since 1999 were under the age of 35.

With the right support to settle, refugees can travel on to reconstruct their lives and do significant parts to the economic, societal and cultural life of Britain. Unfortunately this support is non being received and is non to state the jobs discussed above associating to mass migration should be ignored. In the words of Professor Mark Kleinman, composing in the Political Quarterly [ 65 ] “In wide footings, the economic impact of migration is positive for the finish state: but the size of the impact is non great, and there are distributional effects to consider…The economic statements entirely will non be ( and should non be ) decisive.

4. The Disincentive

Since 1997, up to the terminal of the 3rd one-fourth of 2004, 490,000 refuge applications were heard, of which 63 % were refused refuge and human-centered protection/discretionary leave, although merely about a fifth of those refused are believed to hold left the state. [ 66 ] Furthermore, the figure of remotions has been steadily falling since the 3rd one-fourth of 2003. [ 67 ] Asylum searchers are a dearly-won issue to the state. The cost to the Home Office in 2002 is estimated to be ?1.8 Billion, up from ?1.7 billion from the old twelvemonth. [ 68 ] The cost of legal assistance, ?204m in 2003/2004 [ 69 ] is extra as is the cost of the tribunals, for which the authorities hold given no estimation. 85 % of refuge searchers live in London and Government attempts at dispersion have had merely limited success. By the terminal of 2003 there were 50,000 in spread adjustment and 30,000 outside it. [ 70 ]

Refuge searchers are attracted by the United Kingdom for legion grounds including, the usage of the English linguistic communication, the presence of relations or compatriots, the comparative easiness of come ining and staying in the United Kingdom, the easiness of claiming compared to many other EU states including Germany or France, the absence of internal controls on their motions, the fact public assistance support and wellness attention by and large compares favorably with conditions of their place states and by the likeliness they can unify into the community and happen illegal employment even in instances where their application is refused. The top 10 states of beginning in the first three quarters of 2004 were, Iran, Somalia, China, Zimbabwe, Pakistan, Iraq, India, Democratic Republic of Congo, Afghanistan and Turkey. [ 71 ] These states have a combined population of 2.726 billion with significant minorities that would measure up for refuge. The hazards that some take to acquire to the United Kingdom is an indicant of the attraction of Britain as a finish, particularly compared to conditions in their states of beginning. In relation to the remainder of Europe, the United Kingdom topped the list in 2002 and 2003 with 103,000 and 60,000 applications whilst in 2003 Germany had 50,500, France 59,300 and Austria 32,300 applications. [ 72 ] Compared to the first 9 months of 2003 the figure of Asylum claims during January to September 2004 fell by 36 % in the United Kingdom. Comparable falls in other EU states over the same period include the Netherlands ( down 33 % ) and Ireland ( down 46 % ) . [ 73 ]

In 2000, France granted 15 % of refuge applications. [ 74 ] In Germany less than 3 % were granted refuge. [ 75 ] In the United Kingdom, the norm for 1997 to the 3rd one-fourth of 2004, including exceeding leave to stay was 37 % , [ 76 ] although as antecedently noted, over 80 % are believed to hold stayed on anyway.

Those settled in the United Kingdom ( and those granted refuge ) have the right to convey their dependent partners and kids to the UK. Under some fortunes their parents and grandparents may besides fall in them. In 1976, when there was a major argument in parliament, it was claimed that the “pool” of dependents for the Indian sub-continent would be mostly exhausted by the terminal of that authorities. In fact, former Minister of Immigration Mr Alex Lyon claimed that the sum was about 100,000 [ 77 ] whilst in fact from 1976 to 1999 there were 375,000 of which were as married womans ( fiancees ) or kids. In 2002 the worldwide sum for household colony in the UK was 65,500 ( 95,000 ) if attach toing dependents of work license holders and refugees are included. [ 78 ]

As discussed in Chapter 2, the authorities sought to ordain legion Acts of parliament between 1993 and 2004 to seek to control the so called inundation of refuge searchers to the United Kingdom.

In 2002 it published a White Paper entitled “Secure Boundary lines, Safe Haven Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain” [ 79 ] where it noted in paragraph 4.1, that “the upseting sight of people put on the lining life and limb to make the UK from Sangatte through the Channel Tunnel illustrates diagrammatically why we need to reform our refuge system. Peoples are taking despairing steps to come to our state and we must develop a coherent policy which tackles the root cause of this desire and brings order to the system.

The Government stated [ 80 ] that in seeking to reform the United Kingdom’s refuge system, it would go on to honor their duties non to return refugees who have arrived in the UK and to incorporate to the full those recognised as refugees. This is nevertheless undermined by the authorities want to cut down the figure of refuge searchers geting in the UK and rush up the remotion of those who have been refused refuge. In conformity with the 1967 UN Convention Protocol, it is the protection of refugees that should be at the bosom of the United Kingdom’s refuge system. This protection must include equal professional legal aid at all phases of the procedure to guarantee that a person’s claim may be decently and accurately assessed. However, the steps contained in the White Paper ( a pre emption to the Nationality Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 ) endanger the protection of refugees, with the accent on control trailing, detainment and remotion. The White Paper fails to turn to the issues of legal advice representation and the demand to better Home Office determination devising.

The Government used this chance to province that there is a difference between offering sanctuary to those individuals in echt fright of persecution and leting refuge searchers to remain merely because the United Kingdom was chosen as their state of penchant. It is their belief that the great bulk of those seeking refuge could absolutely moderately have sought protection at an earlier phase in their journey. Furthermore, it is believed that the bulk of present twenty-four hours asylum searchers are people who want to come to the United Kingdom for economic grounds for which they must use under the economic paths provided. What the authorities fails to see, is that the ground so called “economic migrants” choose to come in the state as refuge searchers instead than via the economic paths presently provided, is that the refuge path is seen as the easier option with more opportunities of success. A strong stance taken towards baseless claimants for an maltreatment of the system is by and large supported although it does non intend the protection of those refugees necessitating protection should besides needfully be compromised.

The Government has stated that s. 55 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 is a carefully targeted and necessary step to cover with baseless claims. The Refugee Council disagrees with this step as it argues that it will impact all in-country appliers, stand foring two tierces of all those using for refuge and non merely the little minority the authorities considers to be mistreating the system. [ 81 ] The Council farther provinces that it is unreasonable that unless refuge searchers are able to supply Home Office functionaries with independent or physical grounds of their day of the month and method of reaching, in-country refuge appliers will be denied nutrient or shelter, whether or non they have a valid ground for non using for refuge at the port of entry.

The focal point of disincentive has seen a more punitory doctrine in authorities policy, runing from the issue of adjustment Centres, refuge acknowledgment cards, remotion of public assistance, a decrease in the entreaty procedure, posting in-migration officers abroad and naturalisation ceremonials. While there has been no grounds that any of this has any consequence in cut downing Numberss of refuge applications, it has a damaging consequence on the well being of refuge searchers, on community dealingss and has stretched frontline services to interrupting point. In fact as discussed above, the recent decrease in Numberss of refuge searchers have been mirrored in other states, which shows that it is non needfully the United Kingdom’s tough attack to deterrence that is being effectual, but perchance the planetary figure of individuals seeking refugee position in general has declined. At the same clip nevertheless, the well being of those who truly do need protection is being compromised.


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